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游戏中心 2022年02月03日 23:09 3276 admin

manifesto

宣言

Success has turned liberals into a complacent elite. It is time to rekindle the spirit of radicali *** .

胜利使自在派形成了自夸的精英,是功夫从新燃起激进主义精力了

正文节选自 The Economist.

Liberali *** made the modern world, but the modern world is turning against it. Europe and America are in the throes of a popular rebellion against liberal elites, who are seen as self-serving and unable, or unwilling, to solve the problems of ordinary people. Elsewhere a 25-year shift towards freedom and open markets has gone into reverse, even as China, soon to be the world's largest economy, shows that dictatorships can thrive.

自在主义创作了新颖寰球,但新颖寰球正在阻碍它。欧洲和美利坚合众国正在蒙受大众阻碍自在派精英的阵痛,她们被视为损人利己,没辙或不承诺处置普遍人的题目。在其余场合,向自在和盛开商场的25年变化仍旧逆转,纵然东国行将变成寰球上更大的财经体,也表白专制政柄不妨振奋兴盛。

For The Economist this is profoundly worrying. We were created 175 years ago to campaign for liberali *** -not the leftish "progressivi *** " of American university campuses or the right-ish "ultraliberali *** " conjured up by the French commentariat, but a universal commitment to individual dignity, open markets, limited government and a faith in human progress brought about by debate and reform.

对于“财经学人”来说,这利害常令人担心的。咱们树立于175年前,是为了篡夺自在主义,不是美国民代表大会书院园的左翼“超过主义”,也不是法兰西共和国指摘家所产生的精确的“超自在主义”,而是对部分威严的一致许诺,盛开的商场,有限的当局和对商量和变革带来的生人超过的信奉。

Our founders would be astonished at how life today compares with the poverty and the misery of the1840s. Global life expectancy in the past 17s years has risen from a little under 30 years to over 70. The share of people living below the threshold of extreme poverty has fallen from about 80% to 8% and the absolute number has halved, even as the total living above it has increased from about 100m to over 6.5bn. And literacy rates are up more than fivefold, to over 80%. Civil rights and the rule of law are incomparably more robust than they were only a few decades ago. In many countries individuals are now free to choose how to live-and with whom.

咱们的创办人会诧异至今天的生存怎样与19世纪40岁月的艰难和灾害等量齐观。往日17年的寰球预期寿命从不到30岁飞腾到70岁之上。生存在极其艰难门坎以次的人丁比率从大概80%低沉到8%,一致数目缩小了一半,纵然高于它的总生存从大概100万欧元减少到胜过65亿欧元。识字率飞腾胜过五倍,到达80%之上。人民权力和法制比几十年前越发宏大。在很多国度,部分此刻不妨自在采用怎样生存和与谁一道生存。

This is not all the work of liberals, obviously. But as fasci *** , communi *** and autarky failed over the course of the 19th and 20th centuries, liberal societies have prospered. In one flavour or another, liberal democracy came to dominate the West and from there it started to spread around the world.

明显,这不是自在主义者的十足处事。然而,因为法西斯,共产主义和自力更生在19世纪和20世纪的进程中波折了,自在社会仍旧昌盛起来。在一种或另一种情势中,自在群言堂发端统制西方,并从何处发端在全寰球传递。

▍ Laurels, but no rest

灿烂不许仅存于往日

Yet political philosophies cannot live by their past glories: they must also promise a better future. And here liberal democracy faces a looming challenge. Western voters have started to doubt that the system works for them or that it is fair. In polling last year just 36% of Germans, 24% of Canadians and 9% of the French thought that the next generation would be better off than their parents. Only a third of Americans under 35 say that it is vital they live in a democracy; the share who would welcome military government grew from 7% in 1995 to 18% last year. Globally, according to Freedom House, an NGO, civil liberties and political rights have declined for the past 12 years-in 2017, 71 countries lost ground while only 35 made gains.

但是,政事形而上学不许靠她们往日的灿烂来生存:她们也必需许诺更优美的将来。在这边,自在群言堂面对当务之急的挑拨。西方公民已发端质疑该轨制能否实用于她们,大概是公道的。在客岁的民心观察中,惟有36%的德国人,24%的加拿大人和9%的法兰西共和国人觉得下一代会比她们的双亲更好。惟有三分之一的35岁以次的美利坚合众国人表白她们生存在群言堂轨制中至关要害;欢送军当局的份额从1995年的7%延长到客岁的18%。在寰球范畴内,按照自在之家(一个非当局构造),人民自在和政事权力在往日12年中有所低沉,在2017年,71个国度在畏缩,而惟有35个国度博得超过。

Against this current, The Economist still believes in the power of the liberal idea. Over the past six months, we have celebrated our 175th anniversary with online articles, debates, podcasts and films that explore how to respond to liberali *** 's critics. In this issue we publish an essay that is a manifesto for a liberal revival-a liberali *** for the people.

与此差异,“财经学人”仍旧断定自在主义思维的力气。在往日的六个月里,咱们经过在线作品,商量,播客和影戏来祝贺咱们创造175本命年,那些作品商量怎样回应自在主义的品评者。在这期期刊中,咱们公布了一篇作品,这是一篇对于自在主义回复的宣言,即一种为群众效劳的自在主义。

Our essay sets out how the state can work harder for the citizen by recasting taxation, welfare, education and immigration.

咱们的作品阐明了国度怎样经过重塑税收,利益,培养和侨民来为人民越发全力地处事。

The economy must be cut free from the growing power of corporate monopolies and the planning restrictions that shut people out of the most prosperous cities. And we urge the West to shore up the liberal world order through enhanced military power and reinvigorated alliances.

必需解脱财经中连接延长的企业把持力气以及遏止人们走出最昌盛都会的筹备控制。咱们督促西方经过巩固军事力气和重振同盟来扶助自在寰球程序。

All these policies are designed to deal with liberali *** 's central problem. In its moment of triumph after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it lost sight of its own essential values. It is with them that the liberal revival must begin.

一切那些策略都旨在处置自在主义的中心题目。在苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟崩溃后的成功功夫,它忽略了本人的基础价格观。她们必需发端自在主义的回复了。

Liberali *** emerged in the late 18th century as a response to the turmoil stirred up by independence in America, revolution in France and the transformation of industry and commerce. Revolutionaries in sist that, to build a better world, you first have to *** ash the one in front of you. By contrast, conservatives are suspicious of all revolutionary pretensions to universal truth. They seek to preserve what is best in society by managing change, usually under a ruling class or an authoritarian leader who "knows best".

自在主义展示于18世纪后期,是对美利坚合众国独力搏斗,法兰西共和国大革新和工贸易转型所激励的震动的回应。革新者维持觉得,要创造一个更优美的寰球,你开始必需破坏你眼前的谁人。比拟之下,顽固派对一切探求一致道理的革新性议论都持质疑作风。她们经过处置变化来探求保护社会中更佳的货色,常常是在统制阶层或“最领会”的独裁引导者之下。

▍ An engine of change

变化的引擎

True liberals contend that societies can change gradually for the better and from the bottom up. They differ from revolutionaries because they reject the idea that individuals should be coerced into accepting someone else's beliefs. They differ from conservatives because they assert that aristocracy and hierarchy, indeed all concentrations of power, tend to become sources of oppression.

真实的自在主义者觉得,社会不妨渐渐向好,进而自上而下。她们与革新者各别,由于她们中断供认部分该当强制接收旁人的崇奉。她们与顽固派各别,由于她们预言万户侯和等第轨制(本质上囊括一切权利会合),都目标于变成制止的泉源。

Liberali *** thus beganas a restless, agitating world view. Yet over the past few decades liberals have become too comfortable with power. As a result, they have lost their hunger for reform. The ruling liberal elite tell themselves that they preside over a healthy meritocracy and that they have earned their privileges. The reality is not so clear-cut.

所以,自在主义发端是一种烦躁担心,充溢冲动的寰球观。但是在往日的几十年里,自在主义者对权利仍旧不足为奇。截止,她们遗失了对变革的理想。在朝的自在派精英报告本人,她们掌握控制着安康的精英机制,而且她们仍旧赢得了特权。但是实际并非如许精确。

At its best, the competitive spirit of meritocracy has created extraordinary prosperity and a wealth of new ideas. In the name of efficiency and economic freedom, governments have opened up markets to competition. Race, gender and sexuality have never been less of a barrier to advancement. Globalisation has lifted hundreds of millions of people inemerging markets out of poverty.

在更佳的情景下,精英处置的比赛精力创作了特殊的昌盛和充分的新思维。以功效和财经自在为名,当局为比赛开拓了商场。种族,性别和性动作历来都不是超过的妨碍。寰球化使数十亿未融入商场的人解脱了艰难。

Yet ruling liberals have often sheltered themselves from the gales of creative destruction. Cushy professions such as law are protected by fatuous regulations. University professors enjoy tenure even as they preach the virtues of the open society. Financiers were spared the worst of the financial crisis when their employers were bailed out with taxpayers' money. Globalisation was meant to create enough gains to help the losers, but too few of them have seen the pay-off.

但是,在朝的自在主义者常常会避创办造性妨害的疾风。像法令如许的轻快工作遭到笨拙规则的养护,大学熏陶纵然在传播盛开社会良习的同声也享有终生教员职员。在金融紧急最重要的功夫,金融家们的东家被征税人的钱救济了。寰球化表示着创作充满的收益来扶助失败者,但她们中惟有少量人看到了汇报。

In all sorts of ways, the liberal meritocracy is closed and self-sustaining. A recent study found that, in 1999-2013, America's most prestigious universities admitted more students from the top 1% of households by income than from the bottom 50%. In 1980-2015 university fees in America rose 17 times as fast as median incomes. The so biggest urban areas contain 7% of the world's people and produce 40% of its output. But planning restrictions shut many out, especially the young.

在形形 *** 的办法下,自在的精英处置是封锁的,自我保护的。迩来的一项接洽创造,在1999 - 2013年,美利坚合众国最负大名的大学当选收入中来自收入更高的1%家园的弟子比收入更低的50%家园的弟子要多得多。在1980 - 2015年,美利坚合众国的大学膏火飞腾为中值收入的17倍。更大的都会地域具有寰球7%的人丁和40%的产出。然而筹备控制让很多人废除在外,更加是年青人。

Governing liberals have become so wrapped up in preserving the status quo that they have forgotten what radicali *** looks like. Remember how, in her campaign to become America's president, Hillary Clinton concealed her lack of big ideas behind a blizzard of *** all ones. The candidates to become leader of the Labour Party in Britain in 2015 lost to Jeremy Corbyn not because he is a dazzling political talent so much as because they were indistinguishably bland. Liberal technocrats contriveendless clever policy fixes, but they remain conspicuously aloof from the people they are supposed to be helping. This creates two classes: the doers and the done-to, the thinkers and the thought-for, the policymakers and the policytakers.

自在主义者在维持近况上面变得如许重要,及至于忘怀了激进主义的格式。请记取,在她变成美利坚合众国领袖的竞选震动中,希拉里•克林顿在之一次全国代表大会堆小点子背地保护了本人不足大创新意识的究竟。 2015年,英国工党领袖的候选者输给了杰里米·科尔宾,与其说是由于他是一位刺眼的政事天性,不如说是由于她们毫无特性地蹩脚。自在派本领权要安排了无量无穷的聪慧策略处置计划,但她们仍旧鲜明地离开她们该当扶助的人。这就爆发了两个类人:动作者和实行者,思维家和推敲者,计划者和策略拟订者。

▍ The foundations of liberty

自在的普通

Liberals have forgotten that their founding idea is civic respect for all. Our centenary editorial, written in 1943 as the war against fasci *** raged, set this out in two complementary principles. The first is freedom: that it is "not only just and wise but also profitable... to let people do what they want. "The second is the common interest: that "human society... can be an association for the welfare of all."

自在主义者仍旧忘怀了她们的创办观念是对一切人民的敬仰。咱们世纪的社评写于1943年,当反法西斯搏斗愈演愈烈时,在两个互补的规则中阐领会这一点。开始是自在:它“不只公道,聪明并且利于可图......让人们不妨做她们想做的事。”第二个是共通便宜:“生人社会......不妨变成一切人的利益共同体。“

Today's liberal meritocracy sits uncomfortably with that inclusive definition of freedom. The ruling class live in a bubble. They go to the same colleges, marry each other, live in the same streets and work in the same offices. Remote from power, most people are expected to be content with growing material prosperity instead. Yet, amid stagnating productivity and the fiscal austerity that followed the financial crisis of 2008, even this promise has often been broken.

即日的自在精英轨制与自在的容纳性设置针锋相对。统制阶层生存在泡沫中。她们去同一所大学,彼此匹配,住在同一条街上,在同一个接待室处事。离开权利,大普遍人憧憬满意于日益延长的物资昌盛。但是,在消费力故步自封和2008年薪融紧急之后财务收缩的情景下,就连这一许诺也常常被冲破。

That is one reason loyalty to mainstream parties is corroding. Britain's Conservatives, perhaps the most successful party in history, now raise more money from the wills of dead people than they do from the gifts of the living. In the first election in unified Germany, in 1990, the traditional parties won over 80% of the vote; the latest poll gives them just 45%, compared with a total of 41.5% for the far right, the far left and the Greens.

这是对合流政党忠厚度正在侵蚀的一个因为。英国的顽固党大概是汗青上最胜利的政党,此刻从死尸的遗言中筹到的钱比从活人的礼品中筹到的要多。在1990年一致德国的之一次推举中,保守政党博得了胜过80%的选票; 最新民心观察表露,她们惟有45%,而极右,极左和绿党的总开票率为41.5%。

Instead people are retreating into group identities defined by race, religion or sexuality. As a result, that second principle, the common interest, has fragmented. Identity politics is a valid response to discrimination but, as identities multiply, the politics of each group collides with the politics of all the rest. Instead of generating useful compromises, debate becomes an exercise in tribal outrage. Leaders on the right, in particular, exploit the insecurity engendered by immigration as a way of whipping up support. And they use *** ug left-wing arguments about political correctness to feed their voters' sense of being looked down on. The result is polarisation. Sometimes that leads to paralysis, sometimes to the tyranny of the majority. At worst it emboldens far-right authoritarians.

差异,人们正在归还由种族,宗教或性动作所设置的集体身份。截止,第二项规则,即共通便宜,仍旧分崩离析。身份政事是对忽视的灵验回应,但跟着身份的减少,每个集体的政事与一切其余集体的政事相辩论。商量不复爆发有益的协调,而是形成了一种部落横行。更加是右翼引导人运用侨民形成的不安定感动作激动扶助的一种办法。她们运用一意孤行的对于政事精确性的左翼商量来满意公民的被忽略的发觉,截止引导南北极分裂。偶尔会引导疯瘫,偶尔会引导普遍人的虐政。最蹩脚的是,它滋长了极右翼威权主义者的气势。

Liberals are losing the argument in geopolitics, too. Liberali *** spread in the 19th and 20th centuries against the backdrop first of British naval hegemony and, later, the economic and military rise of the United States. Today, by contrast, there treat of liberal democracy is taking place as Russia plays the saboteur and China asserts its growing global power. Yet rather than defend the system of alliances and liberal institutions it created after the second world war, America has been neglecting it-and even, under President Donald Trump, attacking it.

自在主义者也在遗失地缘政事的论点。在19世纪和20世纪,自在主义在英国水师霸权和厥后美利坚合众国财经和军事兴起的后台下传递飞来。比拟之下,自在群言堂的畏缩正在爆发,由于俄罗斯表演的是妨害者,而华夏则宣称其日益巩固的寰球力气。但是,在第二次寰球大战之后,美利坚合众国却没有保卫它所创造的同盟和自在轨制体制,而是忽略了它,以至在唐纳德·特朗普领袖的引导下,对它举行报复。

This impulse to pullback is based on a misconception. As the historian Robert Kagan points out, America did not switch sneering at nationali *** ,but claim it for themselves and fill it with their own brand of inclusive civic pride. Rather than lodging power in centralised ministries and unaccountable technocracies,they should devolve it to regions and municipalites. Instead of treating geopolitics as a zero-sum struggle between the great powers,America must draw on the self-reinforcing triad of its military might,its values and its allies.

这种畏缩的激动是鉴于一种曲解。正如汗青学家罗伯特·卡根所指出的那么,美利坚合众国并没有讪笑民族主义,而是传播为她们本人并用她们容纳的人民骄气感来填满它。在中心当局部分和不负负担的本领国度中,她们该当将权利下放到地域和自制市。美利坚合众国不应将地缘政事视为泱泱大国之间的零和博弈,而该当运用其军事力气,价格观和盟友的统一体来举行自我加强。

The best liberals have always been pragmatic and adaptable. Before the first world war Theodore Roosevelt took on the robber barons who ran America's great monopolies. Although many early liberals feared mob rule,they embraced democracy. After the Depression in the 1930s they acknowledged that government has a limite drole in managing the economy. Partly in order to see off fasci *** and communi *** after the second world war, liberals designed the welfare state.

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最特出的自在主义者从来求实,符合性强。在之一次寰球大战之前,西奥多·罗斯福接收了那些美国民代表大会把持企业的匪徒财主。固然很多早期的自在主义者担忧暴民统制,但她们接收了群言堂。在20世纪30岁月的大荒凉之后,她们供认当局在处置财经上面的效率有限。在确定水平上是为了在第二次世界大战后摈弃法西斯和共产主义,自在主义者安排了利益国度。

Liberals should approach today's challenges with equal vigour. If they prevail,it will be because their ideas are unmatched for their ability to spread freedom and prosperity. Liberals should embrace critici *** and welcome debate as asource of the new thinking that will rekindle their movement. They should be bold and impatient for reform. Young people,especially,have a world to claim.

自在主义者该当以一致的勇气接收即日的挑拨。即使它们吞噬优势,那将是由于她们的办法因其传递自在和昌盛的本领而势均力敌。自在主义者该当接收品评,欢送商量,将其动作新思维的来源,从新焚烧她们的疏通。她们该当果敢而急促地诉求变革。更加是年青人,具有一个寰球来发声。

When The Economist was founded 175 years ago our first editor,James Wilson,promised“a severe contest between in-telligence,which presses forward,and an unworthy,timid ignorance obstructing our progress.” We renew our pledge to that contest. And we ask liberals everywhere to join us.

175年前,当“财经学人”成登时,咱们的之一任编纂詹姆斯·威尔逊许诺“在激动进步的认识与遏制咱们超过的不犯得着的、软弱的愚笨之间举行一场剧烈的比赛”,咱们重申咱们对这场比赛的许诺。咱们请各地的自在主义者介入咱们的队伍。

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